The Rape Gang Inquiry

After her father died just before her tenth birthday, Chloe moved in with her mother and a stepfather she describes as a “paedophile.” He supplied her with alcohol and cigarettes “to keep her quiet” and raped her repeatedly. Her mother caught him in the shower with Chloe and “closed the door and walked out.”

Truanting in the town centre, she was approached by groups of Muslim men — mostly Pakistani taxi drivers aged 20 to over 50 — who bought the girls alcohol and “mapped out” whether they were vulnerable. An uncle she trusted also sexually assaulted her; when her mother reported it, police accused Chloe of lying. With no adult left to turn to, she was drawn deeper in: drugged and taken “house after house” and raped by “guy after guy after guy.”

Her photograph was once shown on TV as a missing child; her abusers taunted her with it. She eventually escaped her home town and, years later, rebuilt her life.

“If I can save just even one more child, girl or boy, from going through any of this, then I’ve done my job.”

Jane’s mother’s drug dealer groomed her over Facebook after learning she was self-harming. He arrived at her father’s house with a kosh, told the 13-year-old to strip, said “you may be 13, but you’ve got the body of a woman,” and raped her. He then abused her “every day apart from the weekends” for months, plying her with valium and cannabis.

When she finally disclosed — telling her drunk mother “because I am being fucked by a 50-year-old man and nobody has noticed” — police insisted the 13-year-old testify alone against him. Too frightened, she didn’t, and he was never prosecuted. Her father called her a “whore,” said he “wished she would just hurry up and kill herself,” and when she attempted suicide told her to “try harder next time.”

Left homeless and moved through foster and residential care, Jane was later taken to a flat in Hounslow by a coercive peer and told she was being sold for sex to six or seven Somali men.

After her rape was filmed at age 12, Kate was blackmailed: comply, or the video goes to her family. Told she now “worked” for the gang, she was forced into webcam abuse that earned them money, and punished if a livestream didn’t make enough.

When she reported the assault, police took the 12-year-old into an interview room without her mother and told her this was her “last chance” to say it wasn’t true, warning she would be arrested if any detail couldn’t be proved. Overwhelmed, she recanted; it was logged as a withdrawn complaint. Later, explicit messages between Kate and adult men were found — police concluded the 13-year-old was engaging “consensually.”

She was raped multiple times a week, sometimes two to four times a day, in what the gang called “jobs,” “parties,” “cop nights,” and “red rooms.” She once watched another girl being “broken in” and offered to take the “jobs” instead; the men beat and raped her for it. Kate attempted suicide more than once.

Neglected and bullied — once made to sit in soiled clothes all day after a teacher refused her the toilet — Jen came to believe she was “not worth protecting.” At 13, adult men contacted her online; one encouraged her to insert a knife into her vagina.

At 17 she was introduced to a gang of Iraqi Kurdish Muslim men, all illegal migrants, who trafficked her across the Midlands and raped her at “parties.” On one occasion she was anally raped in a park. The men called white Britons “white trash” and white girls “English pig-dogs,” boasted of “free money” from the British state, and forced her to fill in their asylum benefit applications.

Pregnant at 18 by rape, she was forcibly converted to Islam and married by an imam — without her consent — in a flat converted into a mosque. The father, an Iraqi illegal migrant who had claimed asylum on the basis that he could not safely return, repeatedly took their daughter to Iraq, where she was exposed to AK-47s. When Jen reported it, police called it a “civil matter.”

Fiona entered care at 13, placed in a children’s home already flagged as high-risk for exploitation in a TV documentary. Her abusers — men she estimates were 24 to 45 — sat in cars outside, chatted openly with staff, and phoned the home to ask about the girls.

She was repeatedly raped in a “party house” where 10 to 20 men gathered at a time; the girls were called “white slags” while Pakistani girls were kept “pure” for marriage. The gang tried to traffic her to Kashmir, foiled only because she had no passport. The home was paid £5,000 a week to care for her.

When her mother reported her missing and mentioned abuse by Asian men, a police call handler replied: “You can’t describe them as Asian men because that’s racist. You should just be glad your child is being taught a different culture.” An officer once returned Fiona to the abusers’ house and told the men to “have fun with her.”

“You should just be glad your child is being taught a different culture.”

Anna was raped and abused from the age of 13 in a Bradford children’s home. At 15 she was forced into a sharia marriage — and her own social worker attended the ceremony.

After she became pregnant, the same social worker allowed her husband’s parents to foster her, with the family collecting a state fostering allowance. Anna described “domestic slavery,” treated “like a maid” and sexually abused by dozens of men.

Sarah was made to learn the Quran in Arabic, permitted to speak only Urdu and Punjabi, and forced to cook and clean for the gang members who abused her.

After she reported her kidnapping, a Muslim police officer switched off the tape recorder and told her to drop the allegations for “lack of evidence.” She later learned that officer had himself been imprisoned for child sex offences.

Michelle became pregnant four times as a child as a result of rape, leading to miscarriages, one abortion and one surviving child. She says she was raped by between six and seven hundred different men.

She describes a nationwide network — “industrial” in scale, a central hub with smaller connected groups in each locality — that she believes stayed untouchable because authorities feared being called racist.

“98% of them were Pakistani Muslim. If not, they were Iraqi Muslim or Kurdish.”